林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊:Addre to a Joint Seion of Congre_林登约翰逊与民权法案

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Lyndon Baines Johnson

Addre to a Joint Seion of Congre on Voting Legislation

“We Shall Overcome”

delivered 15 March 1965, Washington, D.C.演讲者简介:林登·贝恩斯·约翰逊(英语:Lyndon Baines Johnson,1908年8月27日-1973年1月22日),美国第36任总统和第35任副总统,也曾是国会参议员。他于1908年8月27日生于得克萨斯州基利斯比县的石墙。约翰逊家族曾参与了约翰逊城的建设。约翰逊是民主党人,从1937年-1949年,曾担任美国得克萨斯州的代表,1937年-1949年,担任美国参议员,包括六位美国参议院政党领袖,两位参议院少数党领袖和两位参议院多数优势。竞选失败后,在1960年由民主党提名约翰逊由约翰·肯尼迪要求他是在1960年美国总统选举的竞选伙伴。在肯尼迪遇刺案之后,约翰逊继续接任约翰·肯尼迪总统的职务,在1964年美国总统选举中轻松地获选总统。民主党大力支持约翰逊,并担任主席,负责设计包括法律维护民权、公开广播、医疗保障、医疗补助、环境保护、对教育的援助和他的著名的“向贫穷开战”,他为他跋扈的个性和“约翰逊治疗是显著的”的标题,他控制有权势的政客,以推动立法。同时,他让美国积极介入越南战争,随着战争的拖延,约翰逊总统的声望持续下降。尽管其外交政策遭受失败,但是因为他的国内政策成绩斐然,约翰逊在一些史学家对历届总统的评价中依然获得高排名。

Mr.Speaker, Mr.president, Members of the Congre:

I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy.I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause.At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom.So it was at Lexington and Concord.So it was a century ago at Appomattox.So it was last week in Selma, Alabama.There, long-suffering men and women peacefully protested the denial of their rights as Americans.Many were brutally aaulted.One good man, a man of God, was killed.There is no cause for pride in what has happened in Selma.There is no cause for self-satisfaction in the long denial of equal rights of millions of Americans.But there is cause for hope and for faith in our democracy in what is happening here tonight.For the cries of pain and the hymns and protests of oppreed people have summoned into convocation all the majesty of this great government--the government of the greatest nation on earth.Our miion is at once the oldest and the most basic of this country: to right wrong, to do justice, to serve man.In our time we have come to live with the moments of great crisis.Our lives have been marked with debate about great iues--iues of war and peace, iues of prosperity and depreion.But rarely in any time does an iue lay bare the secret heart of America itself.Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance, or our welfare or our security, but rather to the values, and the purposes, and the meaning of our beloved nation.The iue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an iue.And should we defeat every enemy, and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this iue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation.For with a country as with a person, “What is a man profited, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?”

There is no Negro problem.There is no Southern problem.There is no Northern problem.There is only an American problem.And we are met here tonight as Americans--not as Democrats or Republicans.We are met here as Americans to solve that problem.This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose.The great phrases of that purpose still sound in every American heart, North and South: “All men are created equal,” “government by consent of the governed,” “give me liberty or give me death.” Well, those are not just clever words, or those are not just empty theories.In their name Americans have fought and died for two centuries, and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians of our liberty, risking their lives.Those words are a promise to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man.This dignity cannot be found in a man's poeions;it cannot be found in his power, or in his position.It really rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others.It says that he shall share in freedom, he shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being.To apply any other test--to deny a man his hopes because of his color, or race, or his religion, or the place of his birth is not only to do injustice, it is to deny America and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American freedom.Our fathers believed that if this noble view of the rights of man was to flourish, it must be rooted in democracy.The most basic right of all was the right to choose your own leaders.The history of this country, in large measure, is the history of the expansion of that right to all of our people.Many of the iues of civil rights are very complex and most difficult.But about this there can and should be no argument.But even if we pa this bill, the battle will not be over.What happened in Selma is part of a far larger movement which reaches into every section and State of America.It is the effort of American Negroes to secure for themselves the full bleings of American life.Their cause must be our cause too.Because it's not just Negroes, but really it's all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice.And we shall overcome.As a man whose roots go deeply into Southern soil, I know how agonizing racial feelings are.I know how difficult it is to reshape the attitudes and the structure of our society.But a century has paed, more than a hundred years since the Negro was freed.And he is not fully free tonight.It was more than a hundred years ago that Abraham Lincoln, a great president of another party, signed the Emancipation proclamation;but emancipation is a proclamation, and not a fact.A century has paed, more than a hundred years, since equality was promised.And yet the Negro is not equal.A century has paed since the day of promise.And the promise is un-kept.The time of justice has now come.I tell you that I believe sincerely that no force can hold it back.It is right in the eyes of man and God that it should come.And when it does, I think that day will brighten the lives of every American.For Negroes are not the only victims.How many white children have gone uneducated? How many white families have lived in stark poverty? How many white lives have been scarred by fear, because we've wasted our energy and our substance to maintain the barriers of hatred and terror?

And so I say to all of you here, and to all in the nation tonight, that those who appeal to you to hold on to the past do so at the cost of denying you your future.This great, rich, restle country can offer opportunity and education and hope to all, all black and white, all North and South, sharecropper and city dweller.These are the enemies: poverty, ignorance, disease.They're our enemies, not our fellow man, not our neighbor.And these enemies too--poverty, disease, and ignorance: we shall overcome.Now let none of us in any section look with prideful righteousne on the troubles in another section, or the problems of our neighbors.There's really no part of America where the promise of equality has been fully kept.In Buffalo as well as in Birmingham, in philadelphia as well as Selma, Americans are struggling for the fruits of freedom.This is one nation.What happens in Selma or in Cincinnati is a matter of legitimate concern to every American.But let each of us look within our own hearts and our own communities, and let each of us put our shoulder to the wheel to root out injustice wherever it exists.As we meet here in this peaceful, historic chamber tonight, men from the South, some of whom were at Iwo Jima, men from the North who have carried Old Glory to far corners of the world and brought it back without a stain on it, men from the East and from the West, are all fighting together without regard to religion, or color, or region, in Vietnam.Men from every region fought for us acro the world twenty years ago.And now in these common dangers and these common sacrifices, the South made its contribution of honor and gallantry no le than any other region in the Great Republic--and in some instances, a great many of them, more.And I have not the slightest doubt that good men from everywhere in this country, from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Golden Gate to the harbors along the Atlantic, will rally now together in this cause to vindicate the freedom of all Americans.For all of us owe this duty;and I believe that all of us will respond to it.Your president makes that request of every American.The real hero of this struggle is the American Negro.His actions and protests, his courage to risk safety and even to risk his life, have awakened the conscience of this nation.His demonstrations have been designed to call attention to injustice, designed to provoke change, designed to stir reform.He has called upon us to make good the promise of America.And who among us can say that we would have made the same progre were it not for his persistent bravery, and his faith in American democracy.For at the real heart of battle for equality is a deep seated belief in the democratic proce.Equality depends not on the force of arms or tear gas but depends upon the force of moral right;not on recourse to violence but on respect for law and order.And there have been many preures upon your president and there will be others as the days come and go.But I pledge you tonight that we intend to fight this battle where it should be fought--in the courts, and in the Congre, and in the hearts of men.We must preserve the right of free speech and the right of free aembly.But the right of free speech does not carry with it, as has been said, the right to holler fire in a crowded theater.We must preserve the right to free aembly.But free aembly does not carry with it the right to block public thoroughfares to traffic.We do have a right to protest, and a right to march under conditions that do not infringe the constitutional rights of our neighbors.And I intend to protect all those rights as long as I am permitted to serve in this office.We will guard against violence, knowing it strikes from our hands the very weapons which we seek: progre, obedience to law, and belief in American values.In Selma, as elsewhere, we seek and pray for peace.We seek order.We seek unity.But we will not accept the peace of stifled rights, or the order imposed by fear, or the unity that stifles protest.For peace cannot be purchased at the cost of liberty.In Selma tonight--and we had a good day there--as in every city, we are working for a just and peaceful settlement And we must all remember that after this speech I am making tonight, after the police and the FBI and the Marshals have all gone, and after you have promptly paed this bill, the people of Selma and the other cities of the Nation must still live and work together.And when the attention of the nation has gone elsewhere, they must try to heal the wounds and to build a new community.This cannot be easily done on a battleground of violence, as the history of the South itself shows.It is in recognition of this that men of both races have shown such an outstandingly impreive responsibility in recent days--last Tuesday, again today.The bill that I am presenting to you will be known as a civil rights bill.But, in a larger sense, most of the program I am recommending is a civil rights program.Its object is to open the city of hope to all people of all races.Because all Americans just must have the right to vote.And we are going to give them that right.All Americans must have the privileges of citizenship--regardle of race.And they are going to have those privileges of citizenship--regardle of race.But I would like to caution you and remind you that to exercise these privileges takes much more than just legal right.It requires a trained mind and a healthy body.It requires a decent home, and the chance to find a job, and the opportunity to escape from the clutches of poverty.Of course, people cannot contribute to the nation if they are never taught to read or write, if their bodies are stunted from hunger, if their sickne goes untended, if their life is spent in hopele poverty just drawing a welfare check.So we want to open the gates to opportunity.But we're also going to give all our people, black and white, the help that they need to walk through those gates.My first job after college was as a teacher in Cotulla, Texas, in a small Mexican-American school.Few of them could speak English, and I couldn't speak much Spanish.My students were poor and they often came to cla without breakfast, hungry.And they knew, even in their youth, the pain of prejudice.They never seemed to know why people disliked them.But they knew it was so, because I saw it in their eyes.I often walked home late in the afternoon, after the claes were finished, wishing there was more that I could do.But all I knew was to teach them the little that I knew, hoping that it might help them against the hardships that lay ahead.And somehow you never forget what poverty and hatred can do when you see its scars on the hopeful face of a young child.I never thought then, in 1928, that I would be standing here in 1965.It never even occurred to me in my fondest dreams that I might have the chance to help the sons and daughters of those students and to help people like them all over this country.But now I do have that chance--and I'll let you in on a secret--I mean to use it.And I hope that you will use it with me.This is the richest and the most powerful country which ever occupied this globe.The might of past empires is little compared to ours.But I do not want to be the president who built empires, or sought grandeur, or extended dominion.I want to be the president who educated young children to the wonders of their world.I want to be the president who helped to feed the hungry and to prepare them to be tax-payers instead of tax-eaters.I want to be the president who helped the poor to find their own way and who protected the right of every citizen to vote in every election.I want to be the president who helped to end hatred among his fellow men, and who promoted love among the people of all races and all regions and all parties.I want to be the president who helped to end war among the brothers of this earth.And so, at the request of your beloved Speaker, and the Senator from Montana, the majority leader, the Senator from Illinois, the minority leader, Mr.McCulloch, and other Members of both parties, I came here tonight--not as president Roosevelt came down one time, in person, to veto a bonus bill, not as president Truman came down one time to urge the paage of a railroad bill--but I came down here to ask you to share this task with me, and to share it with the people that we both work for.I want this to be the Congre, Republicans and Democrats alike, which did all these things for all these people.

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