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美国总统林肯演讲稿 inaugural speech by abraham lincoln march 4th 1861 speech： i do not consider it neceary at present for me to discu those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.apprehension seems to exist among the people of the southern states that by the acceion of a republican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.there has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.it is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addrees you.i do but quote from one of those speeches when i declare that: i have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists.i believe i have no lawful right to do so, and i have no inclination to do so.those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which i now read: resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is eential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;and we denounce the lawle invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.i now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so i only pre upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is there is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labour.the clause i now read is as plainly written in the constitution as any other of its provisions: no person held to service or labour in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due.there is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.if the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.and should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? again: in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? and might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the constitution which guarantees that the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states? i take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;and while i do not choose now to specify particular acts of congre as proper to be enforced, i do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.i hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the constitution the union of these states is perpetual.perpetuity is implied, if not expreed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.it is safe to aert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.continue to execute all the expre provisions of our national constitution, and the union will endure forever, it being impoible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.again: if the united states be not a government proper, but an aociation of states in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by le than all the parties who made it? one party to a contract may violate itbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the union itself.the union is much older than the constitution.it was formed, in fact, by the articles of aociation in 1774.it was matured and continued by the declaration of independence in 1776.it was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen states exprely plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the articles of confederation in 1778.and finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the constitution was to form a more perfect union.but if destruction of the union by one or by a part only of the states be lawfully poible, the union is le perfect than before the constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.it follows from these views that no state upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the union;that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any state or states against the authority of the united states are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.i therefore consider that in view of the constitution and the laws the union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, i shall take care, as the constitution itself exprely enjoins upon me, that the laws of the union be faithfully executed in all the states.doing this i deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and i shall perform it so far as practicable unle my rightful masters, the american people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.i trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.the mails, unle repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the union.so far as poible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection.the course here indicated will be followed unle current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.that there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it i will neither affirm nor deny;but if there be such, i need addre no word to them.to those, however, who really love the union may i not speak? all profe to be content in the union if all constitutional rights can be maintained.is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the constitution has been denied? i think not.happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this.think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the constitution has ever been denied.if by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution;certainly would if such right were a vital one.but such is not our case.all the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly aured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the constitution that controversies never arise concerning them.but no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration.no foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain expre provisions for all poible questions.shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by state authority? the constitution does not exprely say.may congre prohibit slavery in the territories? the constitution does not exprely say.must congre protect slavery in the territories? the constitution does not exprely say.篇2：林肯总统演讲稿 four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.gettysburg addre abraham lincoln delivered on the 19th day of november, 1863 cemetery hill, gettysburg, pennsylvania but, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannothallow this ground.the brave men, living and dead, who struggled here,have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.the world willlittle note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget whatthey did here.it is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to thegreat task remaining before us;that from these honored dead, we takeincreased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measureof devotion;that this nation, under god, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the people by the people and for the people shall notperish from the earth.葛底斯堡演说
亚伯拉罕·林肯，1963年11月19日 87年前，我们的先辈们在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。现在我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且是非常恰当的。但是，从更广泛的意义上来说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。篇4：林肯演讲稿 the gettysburg addre gettysburg, pennsylvania november 19, 1863 four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.but, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can not hallow--this ground.the brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.the world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.it is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.it is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain--that this nation, under god, shall have a new birth of freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.时间：1863年11月19日
地点：美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡
八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。
我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应该而且非常恰当的。
但是，从更广泛的意义上说，这块土地我们不能够奉献，不能够圣化，不能够神化。那些曾在这里战斗过的勇士们，活着的和去世的，已经把这块土地圣化了，这远不是我们微薄的力量所能增减的。我们今天在这里所说的话，全世界不大会注意，也不会长久地记住，但勇士们在这里所做过的事，全世界却永远不会忘记。毋宁说，倒是我们这些还活着的人，应该在这里把自己奉献于勇士们已经如此崇高地向前推进但尚未完成的事业。倒是我们应该在这里把自已奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——我们要从这些光荣的死者身上吸取更多的献身精神，来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业；我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲；我们要使国家在上帝福佑下自由的新生，要使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。
林肯总统第一次就职演说(1861年3月4日)林肯[学术交流网按：林肯是美国人民和政治家推崇的伟大人物之一，他的维护国家同意，反对分裂的主张，反对扩张奴隶制的主张尤其受到广泛赞扬......
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