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Speech by Former U.S.President Carter at Welcoming Banquet 29 June 1987
Permit me first to thank our Chinese hosts for your extraordinary arrangements and hospitality.My wife and I, as well as our entire party, are deeply grateful.In the short period of six days, we have gone a longer distance than the Long March.We have acquired a keen sense of the diversity, dynamism, and progre of China under your policies of your reform and opening to the outside world.More than eight years have paed since Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping and I joined hands to establish full diplomatic relations between these two great nations.Our hope and vision was to forge a Sino-American relationship which would contribute to world peace and the welfare of our two peoples.I personally looked upon the forging of firm Sino-American ties as a historically significant experiment.We faced the question in 1978, as to some extend we still do today: Can two nations as different as ours---yours one of the oldest civilization on earth, mine one of the youngest;yours a socialist state and mine committed to capitalism;yours a developing country and mine a developed one---can two nations surmount and indeed draw upon these differences to build an unprecedented and distinctive relationship in world affair? If we are succeful, in one great step our two nations will have been able to ease one of the greatest sources of tension in international affairs: that between the developed and developing worlds.We still have a long way to go, and it is still too early to conclude that our experiment will culminate in succe, but certainly the results of the first ten years are promising.Sino---American ties have become extensive, affecting all aspects of our national lives: commerce, culture, education, scientific exchange, and our separate national security policies.U.S-Europe Divide
President Bush is making a noble effort to pull together the fraying alliance but the fact is Europeans and Americans no longer share a common view of the world.On the all-important question of power---the utility of power, the morality of power---they have parted ways.Europeans believe that they are moving beyond power into a self-contained world of laws and rules and transnational negotiation and cooperation.Europe itself has entered a post-historical paradise, the realization of Immanuel Kant’s “Perpetual Peace”.The United States, meanwhile, remains mired in history, exercising power in the anarchic Hobbesian World where the international rules are unreliable and where security and the promotion of a liberal order still depend on the poeion and use of military might.This is why on major strategic and international questions today, Americans are from Mars and Europeans are from Venus: They agreed on little and understand one another le and le.Why the divergent perspectives? They are not deeply rooted in national characters.Two centuries ago American statesmen appealed to international law and disdained “power politics”, while European statesmen spoke of raison d’est.Europeans marched off to World War Ⅰ believing in power and martial glory, while Americans talked of arbitration treaties.Now the roles have reversed.Part of the reason is the enormous shift in the balance of power.The gap between the United States and Europe opened wide as a result of World War Ⅱ and has grown wider in the past decade.America’s unparalleled military strength has predictable given it a great propensity to use force and a more confident in the moral legitimacy of power.Europe’s relative weakne has produced an aversion to force as a tool of international relations.European’s today, like Americans 200 years ago, seek a world where strength does not matter so much, where unilateral action by nations is forbidden, where all nations regardle of their strength are protected by commonly agreed ruled of behavior.For many Europeans, progre toward such a world is more important that eliminating the threat posed by Saddam Huein.For Americans, the Hobbesian world is not so frightening.Unilateralism is naturally more attractive to those with the capacity to act unilaterally.And international law constrains strong nations more than it does the weak.Because of the disparity of power, Americans and Europeans even view threats differently.A person armed only with a knife may decide that a bear prowling the forest is a tolerable danger---trying to kill the bear is riskier than laying low and hoping the bear never attacks.But a person with rifle will be likely to make a different calculation: Why should he risk being mauled to death if he does not need to? American could imagine succefully invading Iraq and toppling Saddam and therefore 70 percent of Americans favored that action.Europeans, not surprisingly, found it unimaginable and frightening.But it is not just the power gap that divided Americans and Europeans today.Europe’s relatively pacific strategic culture is also the product of its war – like past.The European Union is a monument to Europe’s rejection of the old power politics.Who knows the dangers of Machtpolitik better than a French and German citizen？As the British diplomat Robert Copper recently noted, Europe today lives in a “postmodern system” that does not rest on a balance of power but on “the rejection of force” and on “self-enforced rules of behavior”.American realists may scoff, but within the confines of Europe the brutal laws of power politics really have been replaced.Since the World War Ⅱ European society has shaped not by the traditional exercise of power but by the unfolding of a geopolitical miracle: the German lion has lain down with the French lamb.The new Europe has succeeded not by balancing power but by transcending power.And now the Europeans have become evangelists for their “postmodern” gospel of international relation.The application of the European miracle to the rest world has become Europe’s new miion.This has put Europeans and Americans on a collision course.Americans have not lived the European miracle.中国在鸦片战争中的战败，暴露了它在军事上的软弱和政治上的落后。西方列强发现迫使中国接受不平等条件是轻而易举的。因此，战后，英国包括其他西方国家，包括法国、德国、俄国和美国，还有东方的日本，或是单独或是联合对中国发动侵略战争，以不同的方式欺凌中国，以获取优惠、特权、赔偿、租借，甚至领土。一般来说，他们的目的都能达到。19世纪后半页的中国历史就充满了这样的屈辱。由此，中国从一个有主权的封建国家，开始逐渐沦为一个半殖民地、半封建地的国家。
江泽民主席在美国哈佛大学的演讲
改革开放，是中华民族自强不息和变革创新精神在当代的集中体现和创新性发展。我们把改革开放叫做社会主义改革开放，因为它是中国社会主义制度的自我完善和发展。近二十年的实践已经充分证明，我们进行改革的方向是正确的，信念是坚定的，步伐是稳妥的，方式是渐进的，取得的成就是巨大的。虽然在前进中遇到了这样和那样的一些困难和风险，但是我们都顺利地解决了，不仅没有引起大的社会震动，而且极大地解放和发展了生产力，保持了社会的稳定和全面进步。
现在，我们正在满怀信心地全面推进改革开放。在经济上，要加快建立社会主义市场经济体制，实现工业化和经济的社会化、市场化、现代化；政治上，要努力发展社会主义民主政治，依法治国，建设社会主义法制国家，保证人民充分行使管理国家和社会事务的权力；在文化上，要积极建设面向现代化、面向世界、面向未来的，民族的科学的大众的社会主义文化，实行科教兴国战略，不断提高全民族的思想道德素质和科学文化素质。总体来说，就是要把中国建设成为富强民主文明的现代化的国家。
中国作为疆域辽阔、人口众多、历史悠久的国家，应该对人类有较大的贡献。中国人民之所以要进行百年不屈不挠的斗争，所以要实行一次又一次的伟大变革、实现国家的繁荣富强，所以要加强民族团结、完成祖国统一大业，所以要促进世界和平与发展的崇高事业，归根到底就是一个目标：实现中华民族的伟大复兴，争取对人类做出新的更大的贡献。
欢迎大家参观“丝绸之路游”。为期两周的游览将成为你一生中最为难忘的经历之一。
丝绸之路的历史可以追溯到公元前二世纪，当时一名官员、朝廷的使者张骞沿着这条连接欧亚两大洲的贸易通道出使西域。这条通道源于长安城（即今天的西安），一路穿越陕西省、甘肃省境内的河西走廊，新疆的塔里木盆地，帕米尔山区，阿富汗、伊朗、伊拉克及叙利亚，最后抵达地中海的东岸，全程7千公里，其中有4千多公里的路程在中国境内。
海洋覆盖了地球表面的71%，是全球生命支持系统的一个基本组成部分，也是资源的宝库，环境的调节器。人类社会的发展必然会越来越多地依靠海洋。
即将来到的21世纪是人类开发和利用海洋的新世纪。维护《联合国海洋法公约》确定的海洋法律的原则，维护海洋健康，确保海洋资源的可持续利用和海上安全，已经成为人类共同遵守和共同负担的使命。中国是一个发展中沿海大国。中国高度重视海洋的开发和保护，把发展海洋事业作为国家的发展战略，加强海洋综合管理，不断完善海洋法律制度，积极发展海洋科技教育。中国积极参与联合国系统的海洋事务，推进国家间和地区间海洋领域的合作，并认真履行自己承担的义务，为全球海洋开发和保护事业做出了积极的贡献。
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